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THE 



FANEUIL HALL ADDRESS. 




To tht People of the United States: — 

In pursuance of the custom of the American people 
to confer freely with one another in times of civil 
emergency, and the example of our own rfhcestors to 
speak to their fellow-citizens from this place, we have 
been commissioned by the citizens this day assembled 
in Faneuil Hall to address you upon the state of pub- 
lic affairs.- 

We claim no peculiar ri[;ht to be heard, even by 
reason of the sacredness of the spot from which we 
speak ; but the greatness of the exigency, the critical 
questions your representatives in Congress will soon 
be required to meet, and the singular unanimity 
which appears among the patriotic people in this por- 
tion of our land, lead us to hope for your attention 
and consideration. 

To remove obstructions which we know may be art- 
fully thrown in the way, we wish to say to you in ad- 
vance, — as matter of honor between citizens — that 
this meeting and this address have not been prompted 
by any organization, or by any purpose of party or 
personal politics. They are the spontaneous expression 
of the convictions of men in earnest, who have differed 
much in times past, and may be separated again in 
their political action, but who are forced to a common 
apinion on the present exigency of affairs. 

That we may wisely consider our rights and duties, 
inderstand whom and what we have to deal with, 
md the probabilities of the future, we must ask you 
;o review with us the ground, however familiar it 
may seem to be. 

For thirty years and more, Southern society has been 
moving steadily in an opposite direction from our 
)wn, until its entire system, and — if wo may call it so 
— its civilization, has become hostile to, and, at last, 



inconsistent with our own. In theirprogress, the south- 
ern people had reached a position where it may be 
said to have become their settled doctrine, social and 
political, that the people of color are — not by accident 
and temporarily, but by nature and forever — unfit for 
any other condition than that of absolute slaves. On 
several millions of such persons, — not all negroes, but 
in whom is much white blood, with often but a quar- 
ter or an eighth of the African — their social fabric 
rested. When not aggressive, their system was in- 
trenched behind State institutions, where no national 
authority could reach it. From this condition of 
things, there fo llowed consequences of the utmost social 
and political importance to the government and people 
of the Republic. Slavery, with its effects on what would 
otherwise have been the laboring class of whites, 
resulted in a system which is substantially oligarchal. 
It gave to the masters the advantages of oligarchy, 
and trained them personally in its habits, sentiments 
and passions. Slavery and oligarchy do not re?t on 
political economy, but have their sources in the pride 
and passions of men. They are, therefore, if circum- 
stances at all favor them, an ever-present danger. 
The Southern people came to consider themselves as 
moulded, by their training and position, into a master 
race, not only over their slaves, but in their relations 
with their fellow-citizens of the free States, whose 
political equality and free labor they had come 
to despise. To support their system, in national 
politics, they invented and used, as a most effectual 
weapon, the dogma of State Supremacy, which they 
disguised under the name of State Rights. It may, 
therefore, be fairly said that three ideas had complete 
possession of Southern society,— Slavery, Aristocracy 
and State Supremacy. Upon these, they carried on 



ri.<2>GS 



their political warfare, until 1860. On these, they 
founded their empire in 18G1. On these, and for 
these, they have waged against the Republic for 
our years, a war of stupendous proportions. 

That we may understand the character of this an- 
tagonistic force, with which we have now to deal po- 
litically, we ask you to remember what they accom- 
plished. They made no insurrection of professed cit- 
izens for a redress of grievances. They made no 
revolution or civil war within an admitted 
sovereignty. They set up a distinct and independent 
sovereignty, within the territory of the Republic. 
This est n.iid over eleven States, and we hardly 
saved our Ci^ljital ; while in the States of Maryland, 
Kentucky and Missouri, the most the nation obtained 
at first, was a declaration of sovereign neutrality. 
Looking at the fact, and not at right or law, we must 
remember that the rebellion drove out from its 
usurped borders every representative and obliterated 
every sign of Federal authority, possessed every foot 
of ground, and established and put in operation a 
central government, completed in all its parts, legis- 
lative, executive and judicial. It is true, the rebels 
preserved the form of a republic, but they might 
have made their government a monarchy. They did 
as they chose. It happened that they preserved their 
State lines, and made few changes in their State con- 
stitutions; but they might have obliterated both, and 
resolved themselves into a consolidated empire. They 
did as they saw fit. They then demanded recognition 
of us, and of the rest of the world, raised armies and 
a navy, and forced the issue of war. We had only 
to decline the issue of war, and the rebel government 
would have stood forth, a completed, recognized em- 
pire. 

In the course of a war of four years, for the restora- 
tion of the Republic, we must not forget that not one 
place surrendered from political considerations. There 
were individual deserters, but not a regiment laid 
down its arms from motives of returning loyalty. 
They fought to the last, — as bitterly at last 
as ever, — and were surrendered by their com- 
manders only when there was no other re- 
source. It was by force, that their government 
was brok'.in down. It is by force, that the territory 
they held is now in our military occupation. They 
admit themselves overpowered by superior numbers 
and material resources, but we are not aware that the 
admission extends any further. Military organiza- 
tions against the Republic are not practicable ; but 
they are seeking to open, and with the least possible 
delay, the avenues to their old fields of political con- 
test and ascendancy. They will endeavor to save all 
they can of the doctrine of State Supremacy for 
future use. In the permission for the return of the 
Rebel Legislature to Richmond, and in the Sherman- 
Johnston pacification, our government barely escaped 
a serious, if not a fatal political defeat, at the hands 
of a vanquished enemy. The purpose of the South 
now is to resume the exercise of State functions with 



the utmost possible speed, and with the least possible 
change in their home systems. To secure that, they 
will do and submit to whatever is necessary. It 
must constantly be borne in mind that when once 
a State is admitted to its place, the power of 
the nation over all subjects of State cognizance 
is gone. If the dogma of State Supremacy is not 
destroyed, for practice as well as in theory, the 
war will have been in vain. It has not only 
been the favorite weapon of slavery, but has been 
eagerly caught up by the enemies of our institu- 
tions in Europe, — the tenet ^that the United 
States is not a nation, a government, a sove- 
reignty, — that the citizens owe to it no direct al- 
legiance, — that they cannot commit against it the 
crime of treason, if they carry with them into their 
treason the forms of State authority. The right of 
this republic to be a sovereign, among the sovereignties of 
the earth, must be put beyond future dispute, abroad vs 
well as vt home. We have jiaid the fearful price, and 
we must not be defrauded of the results. 

Let us now, fellow-citizens, look at the dangers 
which attend an immediate restoration of the rebel 
States to the exercise of full State authority. 
Slavery is the law of every rebel State. In some of 
these States free persons of color are not permitted to 
reside; in none of them have they the right to testify 
in court, #r to be educated, in few of them to hold 
land, and in all of them they are totally disfranchised. 
But, far beyond the letter of the law, the spirit of the 
people and the habits of generations are such as to 
insure the permanence of that state of things, in sub- 
stance. If slavery should be abolished in form, their 
spirit and habits, their pride and passions, will lead 
them to uphold their oligarchal system, built upon 
a debasea colored population, and intrenched behind 
State institutions, over which the nation cannot pass 
in peace. Their personal relation with the colored 
people as masters over slaves being changed ia 
law, they will look upon them in a new light, 
as a class to be feared, and as the cause of 
their defeat and humiliation. They will not 
tax themselves to give to the freedmen an edu- 
cation. They will not permit the continuance 
within their States of philanthropic agencies for col- 
ored people, from the free States. They will not en- 
courage Northern immigration, with systems of small 
freeholds and free labor ; nor will capital and labor 
go there from the free States under present auspices. 
Returning to their old arts of politics, which they are 
fond of, and in which long practice has made them ex- 
pert, they will se ek to repudiate a debt incurred for 
the suppression of their revolt; nor can we shut our 
eyes to the danger of political combinations, to be ruled 
by this oligarchy and to do its work. It is useless to 
suggest or conjecture methods and means ; the spirit 
and motive will take such forms as occasions may re 
quire. 

We trust it cannot be necessary to pause here and 
refute a political fallacy, which the logic of events 



has rlready exposed. It has been contended that, 
forcible resistance having ceased, the rebel States are, 
by that fact, again in their orbits, and in the rightful 
possession and exercise of all their functions as States, 
in local and national affiurs, just as if no war had tak- 
en place, — that the nation, whether by Congress or 
the Executive, has no option to exercise, no powers or 
rights to enforce, no conditions that it can make. We 
trust that the mere statement of this proposition, in 
the light of the circumstances in which we stand, is 
a sufficient refutation. AVe are holding the rebel 
country in military occupation, and the nation 
is asserting a right, before it yields that occupation, 
to see the public safety secured, and the public faith 
preserved. The only question can be as to the mode of 
obtaining this result. We trust all loyal people of the 
land will have no hesitation in standing by the Presi- 
dent, with clear ct nvictions, as well as strong purpose, 
on this issue. By necessity, the Republic must hold 
ana exercise some control over these regions and 
people until the States are restored to their full func- 
tions as States, in national as well as in State affairs. 
This authority is to be exercised by the President or 
by Congress, or both, according to the nature of each 
case. Though resulting, necessarily, from the fact of 
the war, these powers are not necessarily to be exer- 
cised by military persons or in military forms. This 
temporary, provisional authority, although supreme 
for the time, may be exercised, much of it, by civil 
officers, using the methods of civil power, and admit- 
ting the employment of judicial and executive func- 
tions, with the arts and business and social inter- 
course of life. This we understand to be, in substance, 
the position which the government now occupies, and 
we believe the people recognize it to bo of necessity 
and of right. 

Let us now, fellow-citizens, turn our atten- 
tion to our rights and duties. Having succeeded in 
this war, and holding the rebel States in our mili- 
tary ocoupatioD, it is our right a,nd duty to secure what- 
ever the public safety and the public faith require. 

First. The principle must be put beyond all ques- 
tion, that the Republic has a direct claim upon the al- 
legiance of every citizen, from which no State can 
absolve him, and to his obedience to the laws of the 
Republic, "any thing in the constitution or laws of 
"any State to the contrary notwithstanding." 

SecoTid. The public faith is pledged to every person 
of color in the rebel States, to secure to them atd their 
posterity forever a complete and veritable freedom. 
Having promised them this freedom, received their 
aid on the faith of this promise, and, by a successful 
war and actual military occupation of the country, 
having obtained the power to secure the result, we 
are dishonored if we fail to make it good to them. 

TTiird. The system of slavery must be abolished and 
prohibited by paramount and irreversible law. 



Throughout the rebel States, there must be, in the 
words of Webster, "impressed upon the soil itself 
"an inability to bear up any but free men." 

Fourth. The systems of the States must be truly 
"republican." 

Unless these points are secured, the public faith 
will be broken, and there will be no safety for the 
public peace or the preservation of our institutions. 

It must be remembered that, under the Constitu- 
tion, most of these subjects are entirely matters of 
State jurisdiction. Once withdraw the powers of war, 
and admit a State to its full functions^ "cl the au- 
thority of tho nation over these subjects is gone. It is 
a State function to determine who shall hold land, 
who shall testify in State courts, who shall be edu- 
cated, and how, who shall labor, and how, and under 
what contracts or obligations and how enforced, and 
who shall vote in national as well as in State elections. 
We have already said that all these points now stand 
in the constitutions and laws of the rebel States de- 
cided against the freedmen. Action is necessary to 
put them right. So great a change is, no doubt, 
fundamental, and goes to the bottom of their social 
and political system. If it is not made now, before 
civil society becomes settled, before the States are re- 
stored to the exercise of all their powers, it will never 
be made, in all human probability, by peaceful 
means. 

Tae question now occurs, how are these results to 
be secured, before those States are permitted to resume 
their functions? We agree that these results ought 
to be secured in conformity with what may be called 
the American System, — that upon which and for which 
our Constitution was made. This is a system of sep- 
arate States, each with separate functions, constituted 
by the people of each, and self-governing within its 
sphere, with a central State constituted by the people 
of all, supreme within its sphere, and the final judge 
of its sphere and functions. The President recog- 
nizes the importance of proceeding in accordance with 
this system. * He aims at a restoration of the States, 
by the people of the States, without resort to the ex- 
ercise of sovereign legislative jurisdiction over them 
by the general government. In this we offer to him 
our sympathy, as we ask for him an intelligent 
support. But, inasmuch as once restored, the State 
will be beyond our reach, the utmost care must be 
taken to avoid a hasty and unsatisfactory restora- 
tion. We acknowledge that there may hi dangers 
in protracted and extensive military occupation. 
But we believe tha-: the people are willing to incur 
their share of these perils. We believe the people 
feel that the greatest hazard is in premature restoration 
fraught with future danger. Any restoration would be 
dangerous which did not secure, beyond all reasonable 
peril) the abolition of slavery, actual freedom, just 
rights to the free, and, within each State, "a re- 
"publican form of government." 



The President and his Cabinet, we have every rea- 
son to believe, have these results in view. We can- 
not doubt that Congress will refuse to receive any 
State upon any other terms. If there are any mem- 
bers of Congress whose fidelity on these points is 
doubtful, we implore you to exercise over them all 
the just authority and influence of constituents. 

Wo advance no extreme or refined theory as to 
what may be included within the term "a republican 
"form of government." In the exercise of the ex- 
traordinary prerogative of the General Government 
to determine whether a State constitution is "re- 
publican," there must be practical wisdom and no 
refined theories. If the constitutions with which 
the rebel States now come are not "republican," 
in such a reasonable and practical sense as na- 
tions act upon — if they are so far unrepublican as 
to endanger public peace and the stability of our 
institutions, then we may treat them as not "repub- 
"lican" in the American sense of the term. 

What, then, is the character of their present con- 
stitutions, assuming that slavery is prohibited? Here 
presents itself no question of mere principle or theory, 
but facts of an overruling and decisive character. 
From one third to one half of their free population 
are absolutelj' and forever not only disfranchised, but 
deprived of all the usual rights of citizens in a re- 
public. Not only so, but this disfranchisement is 
perpetual, hereditary and insurinouatable. It is more 
deeply seated than Oriental caste. It clings to each 
man and his posterity forever, if there be a traceable 
thread of African descent. No achievements in war 
or peace, no acquisitions of property, no education, 
no mental power or culture, no merits, can overcome 
it. To make the case worse, these people are not 
only disfranchised, but the temper, spirit and habits 
of the ruling class, the only class partaking of 
civil authority, will keep them not only disfran- 
chised, but uneducated, without land, without the 
right to testify, and without the means of protecting 
their formal freedom. The result has been and 
must ever be, that the system is essentiayy and prac- 
tically oligarchal, in such a sense as actually and 
seriously to endanger the public peace and the suc- 
cess of our republican institutions. 

Attempts are made to tmbarrass the subject by 
referring to several ol the free States, whose constitu- 
tions restrict free blacks in the exercise of some of the 
usual rights of citizens. But these are not practical 
questions before the country. The general govern- 
ment has no present cognizance of those questions 
in those States. Besides, as we have said, the ex- 
ercise of this extraordinary authority must be upon 
practical and reasonable grounds, and not on mere 
theory. The partial disfranchisement of people of 
color in those States we regard as one of the subtle 
effects of the slave power in our politics, which we 
hope to see pass away with its cause. The number of 
persons whom it bears upon is so small, the effect 
upon them so slight, and such the state of society, 



and the habits and feelings of the people, that the sub- 
stantial character of those States as "republican" is 
not sensibly affected. Departures from principle, 
however small, must always be regretted; but in the 
vast and critical affairs of nations, slight aberrations 
from exact principles are constantly occurring, and 
are constantly submitted to and allowed for, in funda- 
mental institutions, as well as in occasional practice. 
The case of the rebel States is vastly and absolutely 
different. It presents a question of a false principle 
organized and brought into action, with vast dimen- 
sions, having already created one war, and all but des- 
troyed the Republic, and ever threatening danger 
hereafter. . We can hardly think it in good faith that 
the effort is made to deter the nation from confront- 
ing this vast peril, over which it has present and 
necessary jurisdiction, by invoking these slight cases 
found remaining in loyal States, over which the na- 
tion has no present coguizance, and from which it 
has nothing to fear. 

We do not ask that the nation shall insist on an 
unconditioned, universal suffrage. We admit that 
States determine for themselves the principles upon 
which they will act, in the restrictions and conditions 
they place upon suffrage. All the States make re- 
strictions of age, sex, and residence, and often annex 
other conditions operating in substance equally upon 
all, and reasonably attainable by all. Those matters 
lie within the region of advice from neighbors, and 
not of national authority. We speak only to the 
point where the national authority comes in. We cannot 
require the rebel States, if we treat them as States, to 
adopt a system, for the sole reason that we think it 
right. Of that, each State, acting as a State, must 
be the judge. But in the situation in which tho rebel 
States now are, the nation can insist upon what is ne- 
cessary to public safety and peace. And we declare 
it to be our belief that if the nation admits a rebel 
State to its full functions with a constitution which 
does not secure to the freedmen the right of suffrage 
in such manner 'as to be impartial and not based 
in principle upon color, and as to be reasonably 
attainable by intelligence and character, and which 
does not place in their hands a substantial power 
to defend their rights as citizens at the ballot-box, 
with the right to be educated, to acquire homesteads 
and to testif}' in courts, the nation will be recreant to its 
duty to itself and to them, and will incur and de- 
serve to incur danger and reproach proportioned to 
the magnitude of its responsibility. 

It should not be forgotten that, slavery being abol- 
ished, and therewith the three-fifths rule of the Con- 
stitution, nearly two millions will be added to the 
Representative population of the slave States in the 
apportionment tor members of Congress and of 
votes in Presidential elections, and that this in- 
crease of political power to the rebel States 
must be at the expense of the free States. If the 
freedmen remain, as they now are, disfranchised, 
this increased power will be wielded by a class of voters 



5 



smaller in proportion than before. This furnishes an 
additional temptation to that class to retain it in their 
hands; and we shall be compelled to meet, as hereto- 
fore, the old spirit, not improved by its recent expe- 
rience, and largely increased in its political power. 

As we speak from a free State, it may be sug- 
gested that we are not so good judges of what should 
be done for the colored people of the South as those 
who have been brought up among them. It does not 
follow that those who have been brought up 
under an abuse are the best judges whether 
it shall be continued, or of what shall be sub- 
stituted in its place. The people of the North 
have seen the colored races acting as freemen un- 
der free institutions, which the people of the South 
have not. They who have known the man of 
3olor only as a slave before his master, or sometimes 
IS a disfranchised free man under a slave system em- 
bracing his race, are not the only nor necessarily the 
best qualified class to give »n opinion as to what he 
may door what should be done for him as a free man, 
under free systems. History teaches us that national 
emancipations do not emanate from the masters. And 
svherever emancipation has seemed to disappoint ex- 
pectations, the difficulties are traceable, in large 
measures to persistent and multiform counteractions 
by the late master-class. 

Appeals may be made to taste or pride, on the 
subject of the social equality of the people of 
jolor. We must not permit our opinions to be 
ivarped by such considerations. The present ques- 
tion is strictly one of political justice and safety, and not 
)f social equality. When the freeman of color, edu- 
sated in the common schools, deposits a vote which 
le can write himself, gives a deposition which he can 
•ead and sign, and pays a tax on the homestead he 
las bought, the law forces no comparisons between 
lis intellectual, moral, physical or social condition, 
md that of the white citizen, of whatever race or 
latiou, who lives, votes or testifies by his side. 

But the nation has a deep interest in the freedmen, 
)y themselves considered. The Republic must 
ihoose today between two results. The millions 
if people of color in the South, no small part of 
hem carrying the best white blood in their veins, 
nust be either an educated, industrious, land- 
lolding, arms-bearing, tax-paying, voting, self-pro- 
ecting population; or an untaught, indolent, object- 
ess, disfranchised, helpless and debased population, — 
.ho substratum of a proud, restless, unrepublican, po- 
itical and social aristocracy. The President has un- 
lertaken, in certain of the rebel States, an experi- 
uent for speedy restoration. Recognizing the gen- 
3ral policy and duty of restoration as soon as practi- 
iable, the experiment commands our earnest wishes 
'or its success. By its success we mean — not the re- 
urn of the States to their position ; that they are only 
;oo ready to do; but their return with constilu- 
ions in uihich the public safety and public 
'aith shall be secured. We cannot conceal our ap- 



prehensions that the experiment will fail. But 
let not the Republic fail! The more recent signs are 
that the spirit which caused the war is preparing to 
fight over politically the ground it has lost in battle. 
This ought not to surprise us. Let no haste to re- 
store a State, no fear of rebel dissatisfaction, lead the 
Republic to compromise its safety or its honor! 

During the progress towards restoration, the nation 
holds the States in military occupation, by powers re- 
sulting necessarily from successful war. This bold upon 
them is to be continued until this or some other experi- 
ment docs succeed. We need not be precipitate. The 
present authority, although resulting from war, may, 
as we have said, be largely exercised by civil methods 
and civil functionaries, and be accompanied with the 
enjoyment of many civil rights and local municipal 
institutions, executive and judicial. If the present e.x- 
periment fails, we may try the experiment of build- 
ing by the people from the foundation, by means of 
municipal institutions of towns and counties, with the 
aid of education, commerce and immigration, a new 
spirit being infused and the people becoming accom- 
modated to their new relations, and so advance grad- 
ually to complete restoration. 

This is but one suggestion. Various methods arc 
open to us. Only let it be understood, that there is 
no point at which the rebels can defy, politically, 
any more than they could in war, the authority of 
the Republic. The end the nation has in view is the 
same as that for which the war was accepted ai^d prose- 
cuted, — the restoration of the States to their legiti- 
mate relations with the republic. The condition of 
things calls for no limitations of time or methods. By 
whatever course of reasoning it may be reached, 
upon whatever doctrine of public law it may rest, 
however long may be the interval of waiting, and 
whatever may be the process resorted to, the friends 
and enemies of the Republic should alike understand, 
that it has the powers and will use the means to en- 
sure a final restoration of the States, with constitu- 
tions which are republican, and with provisions that 
shall secure the public safety and the public faith. 

Boston, June 21, 1865. 



THEOPIIILUS PARSONS, 

President of the Meeting. 



J. Wiley Edraands, 
James L. Little, 
George 0. Hovey, 
Samuel G. Howe, 
J. Ingersoll Bowditch, 
John AI. Furbes, 
Daniel Denny, 
William B. pooner, 
Henry L. Pierce, 
Emory Washburn, 
William Clatlin, 
Hartley Williams, 
John G. AVhittier, 
E<tes Howe, 
John C. Lee, 



Francis W. Bird, 
Juhn Wells, 
Zenas M. Crane, 
Peleg W. Chandler, 
Richard L. Pease, 
Philo S. Shelton, 
Aaron C. Mayhew, 
John I. Baker, 
George William Bond, 
George C. Richardson, 
J. Huntington Wolcott, 
AVilliam P. Weld, 
Homer Bartlett, 
Benjamin T. Reed, 
J. M. S. Williams, 



Julius Rockwell, 
William Endicott, jr., 
James T. Robinson, 
Robert C Pitman, 
iiartin Brimmer, 
Albert J. Wright, 
John Bertram, 
Charles Adams, jr., 
Amasa Walker, 



Henry L. Sabin, 
John Q. A. Griffin, 
Erastus Hopkins, 
Addison Gage, 
David Bursley, 
James M. Stone, 
Joshua E. Crane, 
Robert B. Storer, 



Vice-Presi lents. 



Edward W. Kinsley, 

William S. Robinson, 



Charles W. Slack. 
Delano A Goddard, 



Richard H. Dana, jr.,^ 
Theophilus Parsons, 
Charles G. Loring, 
John G. Whittier, 
Jacob M. Manning, 
Samuel G. Howe, 
George L. Stearns, 
William Endicott, jr., j 



Secretaries. 



Committee to 

prepare 
the Address. 



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